Swelling Supreme Court Decisions, 1995-96 through 2013-14

Commenting last month in the New York Times, Adam Liptak noted that decisions issued by the United States Supreme Court have grown substantially longer over the years, prompting him to choose such terms as “sprawling” and “metastasizing” to characterize the fruit of the justices’ labors.

Had Liptak turned his attention to Wisconsin’s Supreme Court, he would doubtless have offered a similar assessment, because decisions issued by the justices in Madison now require an average of approximately 50 pages to convey their analysis.  Just as striking as the length of these decisions is the pace at which they have grown.  As recently as 1995-96 and 1996-97, Supreme Court decisions in Wisconsin averaged 23 pages.  Thereafter, their length increased steadily until the average had more than doubled by 2007-08—and the following years continued to yield decisions approximately 100 percent longer than those of the mid-1990s.

Averages for each of the 19 terms currently covered by the SCOWstats database are presented in Table 1, and they may also be viewed as a graph.

Table 1    Average Number of Pages per Decision[1]

Term Page Length
2013-14 49
2012-13 53
2011-12 44
2010-11 46
2009-10 50
2008-09 44
2007-08 52
2006-07 44
2005-06 42
2004-05 44
2003-04 40
2002-03 38
2001-02 33
2000-01 36
1999-00 33
1998-99 30
1997-98 31
1996-97 23
1995-96 23


One factor at work here is the increasing number of concurring and dissenting opinions, which have added to decisions’ bulk.  Tables 2a and 2b reveal that concurrences and dissents accounted for only 3 pages per decision during the earliest term of our period (1995-96), but by 2013-14 the figure had ballooned to 17 pages per decision.  This increase of 467 percent is remarkable, but it accounts for only about half the number of pages by which decisions have grown.  The same tables demonstrate that majority opinions also swelled substantially during these years—from an average of 19 pages in 1995-96 (and 17 pages in 1996-97) to 30 pages in 2013-14 (and 34 pages in 2012-13).

Table 2a                     Average Number of Pages per Decision

  Majority opinion pages Concurring and dissenting opinion pages
1997-98 (72 decisions)           23           5
1996-97 (82 decisions)           17           4
1995-96 (75 decisions)           19           3
Weighted average for all three terms           20           4

 

Table 2b                     Average Number of Pages per Decision

  Majority opinion pages Concurring and dissenting opinion pages
2013-14 (61 decisions)           30           17
2012-13 (44 decisions)           34           17
2011-12 (59 decisions)           31           11
Weighted average for all three terms           31           15

 

As one might expect, the average length of majority opinions varies considerably among the justices.  In 2012-13, for instance, majority opinions authored by Justice Prosser averaged 46 pages—77 percent longer than Justice Crooks’s average of 26 pages.  During the following term, the average length of Justice Ziegler’s majority opinions exceeded those of Justice Bradley by 50 percent.  Comparisons between any pair of justices over the three most recent terms are available in Table 3.

Table 3                   Average Length of Majority Opinions Written by Each Justice

Justice 2011-12 2012-13 2013-14
Abrahamson 38 pages 40 pages 29 pages
Bradley 27 pages 26 pages 22 pages
Crooks 29 pages 26 pages 27 pages
Prosser 32 pages 46 pages 36 pages
Roggensack 27 pages 34 pages 29 pages
Ziegler 30 pages 32 pages 33 pages
Gableman 36 pages 34 pages 32 pages


Table 4, which covers the earliest years of our period, may be compared to Table 3 as a means of illustrating the rapid increase in the size of opinions over 19 terms.  This information also allows us to focus on three justices (Abrahamson, Bradley, and Crooks) who have served long enough on the court to appear in both tables.   Computing weighted averages for the three terms covered in each table, we find that Justice Abrahamson’s majority opinions averaged 19 pages during the period 1995-96 through 1997-98 and 35 pages during the period 2011-12 through 2013-14—an increase of 84 percent.  Justice Bradley’s majority opinions grew by 39 percent (18 pages to 25 pages), while Justice Crooks recorded an increase of 29 percent (21 pages to 27 pages).
[2]

Table 4                    Average Length of Majority Opinions Written by Each Justice

Justice 1995-96 1996-97 1997-98
Abrahamson 22 pages 18 pages 16 pages
Bradley 18 pages 16 pages 20 pages
Wilcox 21 pages 15 pages 27 pages
Bablitch 17 pages 13 pages 21 pages
Steinmetz 13 pages 13 pages 28 pages
Geske 21 pages 26 pages 25 pages
Day 19 pages  —  —
Crooks 19 pages 23 pages


Disputes will persist as to whether the court’s decisions should be described as bloated or comprehensive, but there can be no doubt that recent opinions are much longer than those drafted little more than a decade ago.  Less clear is whether this trend will persist in view of the court’s new rules designed to reduce the time between oral argument and the filing of decisions.  A reasonable hypothesis could surmise that shortening the gestation period of decisions will also affect their birth weight, although the current turmoil on the court complicates predictions on this score.  However, with the conclusion of the 2014-15 term close at hand, we will soon be able to replace conjecture with certainty.

 

[1] The figures include title pages, majority opinions, concurrences, and dissents.

[2] The weighted average for Justice Crooks covered only two terms in Table 4, because he did not join the court until the 1996-97 term.  Weighted averages are used because the number of opinions written by the justices varied slightly from term to term.

Public Defender Outcomes Compared to the “Field,” 2008-09 through 2013-14

This post compares some of the findings of the previous post (“Public Defender Outcomes, 1995-96 through 2013-14”) with the outcomes obtained by other attorneys who presented oral arguments in the same category of cases—those featuring criminal-defense issues and indigent-defense issues.  Here we will narrow our focus to the six terms (2008-09 through 2013-14) in which the Court’s current members have occupied the bench, and begin by considering the 88 cases in this category where defense attorneys from outside the Office of the Public Defender delivered oral arguments.[1]

Of these 88 cases, the attorneys in question obtained a favorable outcome in 13, or 15% of the total.  The year-by-year results are as follows.
2013-14: 2/16=13%
2012-13: 2/15=13%
2011-12: 3/12=25%
2010-11: 2/16=13%
2009-10: 3/16=19%
2008-09: 1/13=8%

As one would expect, the voting records of individual justices vary greatly.  In the ratios below, the denominator indicates the number of oral arguments heard by a justice out of the total of 88 cases.  The numerator indicates how many times a justice favored the position advocated by defense lawyers from outside the Office of the Public Defender.
Abrahamson 49/85=58%
Bradley 45/87=52%
Crooks 16/85=19%
Prosser 16/81=20%
Roggensack 11/88=13%
Ziegler 8/87=9%
Gableman 7/85=8%

The following tables compare results obtained by attorneys from the Office of the Public Defender with the outcomes in our batch of 88 cases handled by defense lawyers employed outside the ranks of the Public Defenders.

             Percentage of Cases in which a Favorable Result was Obtained

  Public Defenders Defense Attorneys from Outside the Office of the Public Defender
2013-14       13% (2/15)           13% (2/16)
2012-13       33% (3/9)           13% (2/15)
2011-12       33% (5/15)           25% (3/12)
2010-11         0% (0/7)           13% (2/16)
2009-10       10% (1/10)           19% (3/16)
2008-09         0% (0/5)             8% (1/13)

The six-term success rate for Public Defenders of 18% (11/61) was slightly, but not dramatically, higher than the six-term success rate of 15% (13/88) for defense lawyers who were not Public Defenders.

These two categories of attorneys also received similar percentages of favorable votes from individual justices—with the striking exceptions of Justices Abrahamson and Bradley, who voted in favor of Public Defenders at a considerably higher rate than they sided with defense lawyers outside the Office of the Public Defender.

Percentage of Cases in which a Favorable Vote was Received, 2008-09 through 2013-14

Justices Public Defenders Defense Attorneys from Outside the Office of the Public Defender
Abrahamson      70% (43/61)           58% (49/85)
Bradley      66% (40/61)           52% (45/87)
Crooks      18% (11/61)           19% (16/85)
Prosser      20% (11/56)           20% (16/81)
Roggensack      11% (7/61)           13% (11/88)
Ziegler      10% (6/61)             9% (8/87)
Gableman      13% (8/61)             8% (7/85)

 

[1] This total of 88 cases does not include three per curiam decisions, and it also omits State v. Long (2007AP2307-CR), which is difficult to categorize as either a favorable or unfavorable outcome for the defendant.  In Long the Court upheld the defendant’s conviction but accepted his argument that he was not a “persistent repeater.”

Public Defender Outcomes, 1995-96 through 2013-14

This post presents findings from an examination of 201 cases in which attorneys from the Wisconsin State Public Defender’s Office delivered oral arguments before the Supreme Court during a period covering nineteen terms (1995-96 through 2013-14—the current extent of the SCOWstats database).[1]

Our focus centers on the outcomes—categorized as either “favorable” or “unfavorable” toward the positions advocated by the Public Defender’s attorneys—and we’ll begin by considering the terms during which the Court’s current set of justices have served together (2008-09 through 2013-14).  These six terms have yielded 61 cases in the category under scrutiny here, and of these 61 decisions, only eleven—or 18%—favored the Public Defender’s positions.  In contrast, during the previous 13 terms (1995-96 through 2007-08), 32% of the 140 relevant decisions sided with the Public Defender.

The following list is a year-by-year compilation of the percentages of favorable outcomes for the Public Defender, with figures that also specify the total number of cases heard each term in which the Public Defender’s attorneys delivered oral arguments.  The line for 2013-14, for instance, indicates that the Court sided with the Public Defender’s attorneys in two of 15 decisions—or 13% of the time.  Over the years, the Court’s membership changed several times, and these alterations are indicated at the appropriate points in the list below. 

2008-09 through 2013-14
(Justices Abrahamson, Bradley, Crooks, Prosser, Roggensack, Ziegler, and Gableman)

2013-14: 2/15=13%
2012-13: 3/9=33%
2011-12: 5/15=33%
2010-11: 0/7=0%
2009-10: 1/10=10%
2008-09: 0/5=0%

2007-08
(Justices Abrahamson, Bradley, Crooks, Prosser, Roggensack, Ziegler, and Butler)

2007-08: 2/7=29%

2004-05 through 2006-07
(Justices Abrahamson, Bradley, Crooks, Prosser, Roggensack, Butler, and Wilcox)

2006-07: 5/12=42%
2005-06: 4/11=36%
2004-05: 3/11=27%

2003-04
(Justices Abrahamson, Bradley, Crooks, Prosser, Roggensack, Wilcox, and Sykes)

2003-04: 3/8=38%

1999-00 through 2002-03
(Justices Abrahamson, Bradley, Crooks, Prosser, Wilcox, Sykes, and Bablitch)

2002-03: 6/15=40%
2001-02: 4/16=25%
2000-01: 3/11=27%
1999-00: 4/12=33%

1998-99
(Justices Abrahamson, Bradley, Crooks, Prosser, Wilcox, Bablitch, and Steinmetz)

1998-99: 2/13=15%

1996-97 through 1997-98
(Justices Abrahamson, Bradley, Crooks, Wilcox, Bablitch, Steinmetz, and Geske)

1997-98: 3/7=43%
1996-97: 3/6=50%

1995-96—the year in which the database currently ends
(Justices Abrahamson, Bradley, Wilcox, Bablitch, Steinmetz, Geske, and Day)

1995-96: 3/11=27%

Information available on the Wisconsin Court System website also permits calculation of the voting records of individual justices in the 201 cases assembled here.  The results are arrayed below in descending order of support for arguments advanced by the Public Defender’s attorneys—and the contrasts are striking.  Among the Court’s current members, Justices Abrahamson and Bradley found the Public Defender’s arguments meritorious in 62% and 58% respectively of the arguments that they heard, while for Justices Roggensack, Gableman, and Ziegler, the figures were 14%, 13%, and 12% respectively.

In the ratios below, the denominator indicates the number of Public Defender arguments heard by a justice, with the differing totals among justices explained by the fact that they have served for varying numbers of years.  Only the tenures of Justices Abrahamson and Bradley have spanned the entire nineteen terms and all 201 cases.  The numerator indicates how many times a justice sided with the Public Defender.

Abrahamson 124/201=62%
Bradley 116/201=58%
Butler 22/41=54%
Geske 13/24=54%
Bablitch 39/91=43%
Day 3/11=27%
Steinmetz 10/37=27%
Sykes 16/59=27%
Crooks 47/189=25%
Wilcox 30/131=23%
Prosser 36/166=22%
Roggensack 15/108=14%
Gableman 8/61=13%
Ziegler 8/67=12%

[1] The total of 201 cases does not include fourteen per curiam decisions, and it also omits two cases in which several justices concurred with varying parts, and dissented with varying parts, of the “majority” decisions.  State v. Jerrell C.J. (2002AP3423) and State v. Stenklyft (2003AP1533-CR).

Wisconsin Supreme Court Statistics, 1995-1996

These tables are derived from information contained in 75 Wisconsin Supreme Court decisions filed between September 1, 1995, and August 31, 1996.  The total of 75 decisions does not include rulings arising from disciplinary proceedings against lawyers, which appear along with the decisions in the Supreme Court’s listing of opinions and dispositional orders for this period.

Occasionally, the Court’s listing of opinions contains separate entries for individual cases that were ultimately consolidated and resolved by a single decision.  If two or more cases were combined in this manner, the decision is counted only once for the purposes of the following tables.

The year under consideration also witnessed an unusual outcome in Estate of Cavanaugh by Cavanaugh v. Andrade.  Here, only Justices Bradley, Bablitch, and Day supported all portions of the “majority” opinion, while the other four justices dissented with regard to one portion or another.  Consequently, I will include the case only in the “Opinions Authored” table, the “Days Between Oral Argument and Opinion Filing” table, and the “Number of Oral Arguments Presented” table. 

Three additional cases—deadlocked (3-3) per curiam decisions (Ware v. Schoone; Thompson v. Jackson; and State v. Elam)—figure only in the “Number of Oral Arguments Presented” table.  All of the decisions may be found on the Wisconsin Court System website.  http://wicourts.gov/

The tables are available as a complete set and by individual topic according to the subsets listed below.

Four-to-Three Decisions
Decisions Arranged by Vote Split
Frequency of Justices in the Majority
Distribution of Opinion Authorship
Frequency of Agreement Between Pairs of Justices
Average Time Between Oral Argument and Opinions Authored by Each Justice
Number of Oral Arguments Presented by Individual Firms and Agencies

Law School Representation Rates: Oral Arguments, 2008-9 through 2013-14

As the NCAA basketball tournament reaches its climax, we match its allure by studying the court performance (or presence, at any rate) of universities in a different setting.  Exploiting data churned up by earlier posts, we will compare the number of oral arguments presented by graduates of law schools that qualified for the competition.  Our gaze encompasses the past six terms (2008-9 through 2013-14), during which 795 oral arguments were delivered before the Supreme Court.  In only seven instances was I unable to determine the participants’ law schools, leaving us with 788 entries in the tournament.  In a very small number of cases two lawyers split an oral argument, and when this occurred, each lawyer’s law school was counted in the total of 788.  Also, if one lawyer delivered multiple oral arguments over the years in question, his/her law school was credited separately for each of these arguments.

Number of Oral Arguments Presented at the Wisconsin Supreme Court by Graduates of the Following Law Schools, 2008-9 through 2013-14 (includes schools whose graduates delivered at least eight oral arguments—1% of the total of 788)

University of Wisconsin 367/788 (47%)
Marquette University 182/788 (23%)
Harvard University 16/788 (2%)
New York University 12/788 (2%)
University of Chicago 11/788 (1%)
Drake University 11/788 (1%)
University of Missouri 11/788 (1%)
Indiana University 10/788 (1%)
University of Pennsylvania 10/788 (1%)
University of Minnesota 9/788 (1%)
Northwestern University 9/788 (1%)
University of Virginia 9/788 (1%)
John Marshall Law School 8/788 (1%)
Yale University 8/788 (1%)

The previous post (“Law Firm Success Rates”) focused on just the twelve private firms that presented at least five oral arguments during this period.  Listed below are the law schools whose graduates delivered the oral arguments for these firms.  Here we are counting all oral arguments, including those in a handful of cases that were omitted from the previous post (3-3 per curiam decisions, for instance, and decisions that did not clearly favor one party or the other).

The twelve firms are: Axley Brynelson; Cannon & Dunphy; Crivello Carlson; Foley & Lardner; Godfrey & Kahn; Habush Habush & Rottier; Kasdorf, Lewis & Swietlik; Michael Best & Friedrich; Quarles & Brady; Stafford Rosenbaum; von Briesen & Roper; and Whyte Hirschboeck Dudek.

Number of Oral Arguments Presented on Behalf of the Twelve Firms by Graduates of the Following Law Schools

Wisconsin 58/121 (48%)
Marquette 27/121 (22%)
Harvard 6/121 (5%)
Chicago 4/121 (3%)
NYU 4/121 (3%)
Indiana 3/121 (2%)
Iowa 3/121 (2%)
Northwestern 3/121 (2%)
Ohio State 3/121 (2%)
Yale 3/121 (2%)
Columbia 1/121 (1%)
Georgetown 1/121 (1%)
John Marshall 1/121 (1%)
Minnesota 1/121 (1%)
Northern Illinois 1/121 (1%)
Virginia 1/121 (1%)
Wayne State 1/121 (1%)

It is interesting to note that while Wisconsin’s and Marquette’s shares of the oral arguments for these twelve firms are nearly identical to their shares for the total number of 788 oral arguments, their oral arguments were distributed unevenly across the twelve firms, as detailed in the following table.

Number of Oral Arguments Presented on Behalf of Each of the Twelve Firms by Graduates of the Following Law Schools

Axley Brynelson: Wisconsin 10/12; Marquette 2/12.
Cannon & Dunphy: Marquette 5/7; Wisconsin 2/7.
Crivello Carlson: Wisconsin 3/5; John Marshall 1/5; Marquette 1/5.
Foley & Lardner: Wisconsin 5/13; Chicago 4/13; Yale 3/13; Indiana 1/13.
Godfrey & Kahn: Wisconsin 8/15; Northwestern 3/15; NYU 2/15; Columbia 1/15; Georgetown 1/15.
Habush Habush & Rottier: Marquette 5/8; Wisconsin 3/8.
Kasdorf, Lewis & Swietlik: Marquette 5/6; Wisconsin 1/6.
Michael Best & Friedrich: Wisconsin 8/14; NYU 2/14; Harvard 1/14; Northern Illinois 1/14; Iowa 1/14; Virginia 1/14.
Quarles & Brady: Wisconsin 5/14; Harvard 3/14; Marquette 2/14; Ohio State 2/14; Iowa 1/14; Minnesota 1/14.
Stafford Rosenbaum: Wisconsin 4/6; Harvard 2/6.
von Briesen & Roper: Wisconsin 5/11; Marquette 4/11; Iowa 1/11; Wayne State 1/11.
Whyte Hirschboeck Dudek: Wisconsin 4/10; Marquette 3/10; Indiana 2/10; Ohio State 1/10.

Although these twelve firms appeared frequently before the Supreme Court, the total of their appearances paled before the number of lawyers bound for the same destination from the offices of the Attorney General and the Public Defender.  Focusing on the data from these two agencies, one is struck by the fact that lawyers from the University of Wisconsin presented oral arguments in numbers far surpassing their colleagues from other schools—and considerably higher than Wisconsin’s share (47%) of the 788 oral arguments delivered by attorneys in all categories.  Wisconsin’s dominance was particularly striking in the case of the Public Defender, where the law school’s graduates accounted for a remarkable 71% of oral arguments—eclipsing the portions contributed by lawyers from the law schools of the University of Virginia (11%), Marquette (5%), and New York University (5%).

Number of Oral Arguments Presented on Behalf of the Attorney General’s Office by Graduates of the Following Law Schools (schools whose graduates delivered at least two oral arguments—1% of the total of 175)

University of Wisconsin 96/175 (55%)
Marquette University 29/175 (17%)
University of Missouri 11/175 (6%)
University of Pennsylvania 10/175 (6%)
University of Chicago 5/175 (3%)
Indiana University 4/175 (2%)
Capital University 3/175 (2%)
University of Iowa 3/175 (2%)
University of Michigan 3/175 (2%)
DePaul University 2/175 (1%)
Harvard University 2/175 (1%)
Northern Illinois University 2/175 (1%)

Number of Oral Arguments Presented on Behalf of the Public Defender’s Office by Graduates of the Following Law Schools

University of Wisconsin 45/63 (71%)
University of Virginia 7/63 (11%)
Marquette University 3/63 (5%)
New York University 3/63 (5%)
University of the Pacific 2/63 (3%)
Georgetown University 1/63 (2%)
Golden Gate University 1/63 (2%)
University of Minnesota 1/63 (2%)

 

Law Firm Success Rates

Inspired by the NCAA basketball tournament, this post stages a competition among law firms whose members have argued cases before the Supreme Court over the past six terms (2008-09 through 2013-14).  The selection committee ruled that eligibility for the competition required a firm’s participation in at least five oral arguments—excluding a handful of cases that resulted either in 3-3 per curiam outcomes or decisions that did not clearly favor one side or the other.[1] 

To be sure, partisans of individual firms might insist that the results be viewed with various considerations in mind.  Thus an argument could be made that pro bono cases—often involving criminal issues with a comparatively low chance of a successful outcome—should not be allowed to affect a firm’s record.  For instance, two of the cases in Quarles & Brady’s collection of 12 are of this sort, and if they had been omitted, the firm’s success rate would have jumped from 50% to 60%.  Others might contend that personal-injury firms—paid only if they win—are more likely to limit their appearances in the Supreme Court to cases in which they anticipate a favorable result.  This seems plausible and might suggest that personal-injury firms ought to be grouped apart from the rest.  However, such a conclusion would also suggest that the success rate of personal-injury firms should exceed that of the remainder of the field, which proved not to be the case.  As a result, all firms are competing in a single division.

The first table details each firm’s results individually.  Here, for example, one finds that Michael Best & Friedrich prevailed in 31% (4 out of 13) of the cases in which it presented oral arguments, while Foley & Lardner secured a favorable result in 56% (5 out of 9).

Law Firms Participating in Five or More Oral Arguments from 2008-9 through 2013-14

Law Firm % of Successful Outcomes[2]
Axley Brynelson 7/12=58%
Cannon and Dunphy 4/7=57%
Crivello Carlson 4/5=80%
Foley & Lardner 5/9=56%    
Godfrey & Kahn 11/14=79%    
Habush Habush & Rottier 4/7=57%        
Kasdorf, Lewis & Swietlik 3/5=60%
Michael Best & Friedrich 4/13=31%
Quarles & Brady 6/12=50%
Stafford Rosenbaum 4/6=67%
von Briesen & Roper 3/10=30%
Whyte Hirschboeck Dudek 3/10=30%

The second table focuses on the outcomes of the subset of cases in which the 12 firms delivered oral arguments against each other.

Law Firm Wins and Losses (opponents in parentheses)
Axley Brynelson one loss (Godfrey)
Cannon and Dunphy one loss (Foley)
Crivello Carlson No oral arguments against other firms in the field
Foley & Lardner one loss (Habush) and one win (Cannon & Dunphy)
Godfrey & Kahn one loss (Habush) and one win (Cannon & Dunphy)
Habush Habush & Rottier two losses (Kasdorf and Whyte) and one win (Foley)
Kasdorf, Lewis & Swietlik one win (Habush)
Michael Best & Friedrich one loss (Stafford Rosenbaum)
Quarles & Brady one loss (Stafford Rosenbaum)
Stafford Rosenbaum two wins (Michael Best and Quarles)
von Briesen & Roper one loss (Godfrey) and one win (Whyte)
Whyte Hirschboeck Dudek one loss (von Briesen) and one win (Habush)

[1] When a firm prevailed on certain issues but not others, the case is counted here if it seems clear that the firm won or lost on the issues of greatest importance—a subjective call required in only a small number of cases.

[2] In addition to four 3-3 per curiam decisions, the following cases are excluded from consideration.  Bostco LLC v. Milwaukee Metro. Sewerage District; Northern Air Services v. Link; and Notz v. Everett Smith Group, Ltd.—all Foley & Lardner cases in which the outcome was not overwhelmingly favorable or unfavorable for Foley’s clients—and Marlowe v. IDS Property Casualty Insurance Co., in which the decision was unfavorable for the individual insurance company, IDS (a victory for Habush), but also satisfactory for the insurance industry in general, represented by Godfrey in an amicus brief.

Insurance Cases, 2008/9 through 2013/14

I am always grateful to receive ideas for new topics, and one such suggestion pertained to the voting of the Supreme Court’s current members in insurance cases.  More specifically, two questions are posed here.  How frequently did individual justices vote in favor of insurance companies, and how frequently did pairs of justices vote together in these cases?  It seems to me that something can be done with this as long as we can formulate a reasonably clear and plausible category of cases to consider.  To this end I have tried to set fairly strict criteria that limit our set of cases to those that center on interpretations of (1) insurance policies or (2) statutes that the justices seek to apply to insurance companies. 

This approach excludes cases in which insurance companies are listed among the parties but do not figure in the discussion of issues on which a decision turns.  If, for instance, the Court determines that a person or company acted negligently, one can often conclude from the specifics of the case that an insurance company will ultimately have to pay some or all of the damages.  This might amount to an “insurance case” under an expansive definition of the term, but not necessarily for us.  If a decision hinges on a defendant’s negligence or the applicability of a certain statute, while ignoring the insurance company and the obligations and exclusions in its policy, that case is not included here.  This screening method has yielded 34 cases from the six terms (2008/9 through 2013/14) during which the Court’s current members have served together, and these cases are listed individually under the title “Decisions by Vote Split in Insurance Cases.”

Votes Favoring Insurance Companies
For the 34 insurance cases described above, the Court issued sixteen decisions that were favorable to insurance companies and eighteen decisions that were not.  As displayed below, the Court’s two most liberal justices, Abrahamson and Bradley, very rarely accepted the contentions of insurance companies—15% and 12% of the time, respectively.  In contrast, the three most conservative justices—Roggensack, Ziegler, and Gableman—found the insurance companies’ arguments persuasive in a majority of cases.  Justice Gableman stood out in this regard, siding with insurance companies 65% of the time.

  Number of votes favoring insurance companies Percentage of all votes cast by each justice

Abrahamson

5

5/34=15%

Bradley

4

4/34=12%

Crooks

14

14/34=41%

Prosser

15

15/31=48%

Roggensack

18

18/34=53%

Ziegler

19

19/34=56%

Gableman

22

22/34=65%

Levels of Disagreement Among Justices
As detailed in the tables grouped under the title “Agreement Among Pairs of Justices in Insurance Cases,” certain pairs of justices voted together in nearly all insurance cases, while other pairs found a good deal less common ground.  At one end of the agreement spectrum, Justices Abrahamson and Bradley voted together 97% of the time (and 95% of the time in non-unanimous decisions), as did Justices Roggensack and Ziegler.  At the other end of the spectrum, disagreement was nearly as striking.  Justice Abrahamson voted with Justice Ziegler in only 10% of non-unanimous decisions, for instance, which also proved to be the share of cases in which Justices Bradley and Gableman sided together.  Indeed, the voting disagreement between the two most liberal justices and their three most conservative colleagues has been slightly greater in insurance cases than it has been in cases of all types—civil and criminal taken together—as evident in the group of tables titled “Agreement Between ‘Liberal’ and ‘Conservative’ Justices.”

 For a complete set of tables—those mentioned in this post and several others pertaining to insurance cases—click here.

Wisconsin Supreme Court Statistics, 1996-1997

These tables are derived from information contained in 83 Wisconsin Supreme Court decisions filed between September 1, 1996, and August 31, 1997.  The total of 83 decisions does not include the following items contained in the Supreme Court’s listing of opinions and dispositional orders for this period: (1) decisions arising from disciplinary proceedings against judges and lawyers; and (2) orders pertaining to motions for reconsideration.

Two additional cases—deadlocked (3-3) per curiam decisions (DeRuyter v. Wisconsin Electric Power Co. and State v. Wisconsin Central Transportation Corp.)—figure only in the “Number of Oral Arguments Presented” table.

Occasionally, the Court’s listing of opinions and dispositional orders contains separate entries for individual cases that were ultimately consolidated and resolved by a single decision.  If two or more cases were combined in this manner, the decision is counted only once for the purposes of the following tables.  All of the decisions may be found on the Wisconsin Court System website. http://wicourts.gov

The tables are available as a compete set and by individual topic according to the subsets listed below.

Four-to-Three Decisions
Decisions Arranged by Vote Split
Frequency of Justices in the Majority
Distribution of Opinion Authorship
Frequency of Agreement Between Pairs of Justices
Average Time Between Oral Argument and Opinions Authored by Each Justice
Number of Oral Arguments Presented by Individual Firms and Agencies

 

 

Concurrences, Dissents, and Efficiency

Perhaps the most notable feature of the Wisconsin Supreme Court’s recent decision in State v. Ramon G. Gonzalez (2012AP1818-CR, filed on December 3, 2014) was the separate opinion authored by Chief Justice Abrahamson.  Although labeled a concurrence, it resembled a dissent—not with regard to the decision in Gonzalez, which did not figure in her discussion, but with regard to the Court’s new procedure for opinion preparation and mandate.  Adopted in the fall of 2014 by a deeply divided court, the new rules are designed to accelerate the release of decisions.  To this end, the four justices (Crooks, Roggensack, Ziegler, and Gableman) who voted to adopt the rules over the objections of their three colleagues placed specific limits on the number of days for writing, circulating, and revising opinions.  Chief Justice Abrahamson’s concurrence served as a public opportunity to express misgivings over the new rules.  While acknowledging that “timely release of our opinions after oral argument is important for the litigants, for the bench and bar, for the public, and for this court,” she cautioned that “we should not, however, sacrifice thoughtful discussion and careful collegial review of draft opinions just for the sake of speed.”  She seemed especially troubled that the new time restrictions “are unwelcoming to concurrences and dissents.”

This post presents information on the relationship between the time taken to file decisions and the number of concurring and dissenting opinions included in these decisions.  As noted in previous posts, the number of days between oral argument and decision filing has increased over the past 17 years (the period currently covered by SCOWstats data), while the number of decisions filed has diminished considerably over the same interval.  (See Graphs 1 and 2.)  Clearly, more time is being taken to file fewer decisions, and it seems plausible to hypothesize that a principal reason is the larger share of contentious decisions in recent years (see “2013-14 in Perspective: Part 1”).  Pursuing this line of conjecture, one may speculate reasonably that a larger proportion of contentious decisions corresponds with a larger number of concurring and dissenting opinions—and that the number of concurring and dissenting opinions correlates with the increasing amount of time taken to file decisions.

Before presenting statistics, it may be helpful to explain that the figure of interest here is the average number of concurring and dissenting opinions per decision.  A simple calculation of the number of concurring and dissenting opinions each term would be less revealing, because some years yielded a large number of concurring and dissenting opinions mainly because a large number of cases were decided.  In such instances, the average number of concurring and dissenting opinions per decision could well be low, as evident in Table 1.

Proceeding, then, with the average number of concurring and dissenting opinions per decision, the correlation with the number of days taken to filing decisions is quite strong, as demonstrated in Graph 3—which encourages the plausible surmise that a larger number of concurring/dissenting opinions per decision contributes to a larger number of days required to file a decision.

At any rate, the four conservative justices who adopted the Court’s new procedures appear to have reached this conclusion, for their rules address concurring and dissenting opinions at length and direct at these opinions an explicit statement of blame for delays in filing decisions.  With this in mind, it should occasion no surprise to learn that the Court’s two liberal members (Justices Abrahamson and Bradley) have written the largest number of concurrences and dissents.  In fact, as shown in Table 2, Justices Abrahamson and Bradley authored more concurrences and dissents—both in 2013-14 and over the entire six terms in which the seven current justices have served together—than did the other five justices collectively.  Justice Abrahamson contributed far more of these opinions than any of her colleagues, including an output in 2013-14 that was 50 percent higher than the total written by all four of the justices who approved the new rules on concurrences/dissents.  Thus there can be little doubt regarding the primary target of these rules—nor any surprise over Justice Abrahamson’s disquiet.

Views will differ regarding the new limits adopted by the conservative justices.  Should the procedures be interpreted as a laudable effort to increase the Court’s efficiency or as an attempt by those in the majority to minimize opinions at variance with their own?  It may even be possible for some observers to embrace both interpretations.  In any case, if the new rules are enforced in their current form, they will indeed reduce the number of days between oral argument and opinion filing.  And if a correlation persists between this reduction and a smaller number of concurrences and dissents per decision, it can be illustrated beyond a doubt by the end of the term.  Less agreement will be likely as to whether such an impact on concurrences and dissents should be applauded.

Wisconsin Supreme Court Statistics, 1997-1998

These tables are derived from information contained in 72 Wisconsin Supreme Court decisions filed between September 1, 1997, and August 31, 1998.  The total of 72 decisions does not include the following items contained in the Supreme Court’s listing of opinions and dispositional orders for this period: (1) decisions arising from disciplinary proceedings against judges and lawyers; and (2) orders pertaining to motions for reconsideration and rulings by the Board of Bar Examiners.

Occasionally, the Court’s listing of opinions and dispositional orders contains separate entries for individual cases that were ultimately consolidated and resolved by a single decision.  If two or more cases were combined in this manner, the decision is counted only once for the purposes of the following tables.

In addition to the 72 decisions noted above, three other cases figure in some of the following tables.  One of these is a deadlocked (3-3) per curiam decision (Moulas v. PBC Productions) that appears only in the “Number of Oral Arguments Presented” table—which is also the only table to include State v. Castillo, in which the Court decided that the petition for review had been improvidently granted.

Finally, in State v. Chrysler Outboard Corporation only Justices Crooks, Wilcox, and Steinmetz supported all portions of the “majority” opinion, while the other four justices dissented with regard to one portion or another.  Consequently, I will include the case only in the “Opinions Authored” table, the “Days Between Oral Argument and Opinion Filing” table, and the “Number of Oral Arguments Presented” table.  All of the decisions may be found on the Wisconsin Court System website.  http://wicourts.gov

The tables are available as a complete set and by individual topic according to the subsets listed below.

Four-to-Three Decisions
Decisions Arranged by Vote Split
Frequency of Justices in the Majority
Distribution of Opinion Authorship
Frequency of Agreement Between Pairs of Justices
Average Time Between Oral Argument and Opinions Authored by Each Justice
Number of Oral Arguments Presented by Individual Firms and Agencies